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Some
years back, screwball feminists came up with an idea
called comparable worth. The premises was
that womens work was underpaid and
that this constituted sex discrimination. To remedy
this inequitysecretaries getting paid less than
(say) mechanicsa huge bureaucratic system was
proposed, to assess each job in terms of the educational
requirements, the amount of responsibility it entailed,
etc., and to set wages accordingly. In other words,
replace the free market with governmental mandate.
One
wag referred to this proposal as the looniest
idea since looney tunes, an accurate description.
Now, though, the forces of Political Correctness have
spawned an even crazier idea.
Reparations
for slavery.
As
boneheaded ideas go, this one pretty much takes the
cake.
A
person injured by the wrongful conduct of another certainly
deserves recompense. But not one person alive today
was born an American slave, or served a single day laboring
in chains. Not one living person suffered under the
lash; not a single slave master survives. Almost 140
years have elapsed since the Emancipation Proclamation;
only a few less since the 13th Amendment. To the extent
that anyone was ever owed reparations, theyre
long dead, as are the people who wronged them.
Too,
this country paid a terrible price to extirpate slavery.
It is now generally accepted that the Civil War was
fought on precisely this issue. Hundreds of thousands
of American soldiers gave their lives that slavery might
be abolished. How can one measure their sacrifice and
offset it against any asserted debt to former slaves?
That
slavery ran directly counter to the ideals expressed
at the American founding cannot be gainsaid. With the
equally horrible institution of abortion, it is the
greatest moral stain this country has ever borne, or
is ever likely to bear. But not one living American
owes a nickel to another on its account; all those who
profited, and all those who suffered, long ago squared
up their accounts before a higher court than exists
on Earth.
Simply
put, if dollars are to be transferred today, they must
come from somewhere. And they must go somewhere. If
governmental, they must come from present, living, breathing,
hard working, over-burdened taxpayers. If private, they
must come from the pockets of investors and workers.
And they will flow
where? To people who can demonstrate
absolutely no concrete injury whatsoever. At best, their
argument would be that someone elses great grandfather
grievously wounded their great great grandfather, but
for which injury they would have been differently situated.
These what if games make entertaining historic
fiction, but they cannot be the proper subject or either
litigation or legislation. Theyre simply too speculative.
But,
if one wishes to speculate, perhaps it would be fun
to do so. The assertion offered is that slaves performed
unpaid labora givenfor which their descendants
are entitled to recompense. But what if those slaves
had not been dragged to the United States in chains?
To
use an analogy, the ancestors of many an Irish American
emigrated under horrible circumstances. In some years,
millions of their countrymen were starving. They often
arrived indentured to a term of service for their passage.
They were horribly exploited by canal companies, railroads,
and mining firms. Indeed, whereas a master had an investment
in a slave worthy of insurance (one of the claims against
present insurers is that they made money from premiums
collected on policies covering the lives of slaves)
and wished to keep the slave alive to protect his investment,
the private entities hiring cheap, immigrant labor had
no such investment, and an inexhaustible supply of replacements.
Many thousands of these laborers died in the mines,
in the canals, in the factories, and on the railroads,
under conditions which would appall us today.
But,
if the British had not been such harsh taskmasters as
to drive my ancestors out of Ireland, I might still
be there. Dont get me wrong; Ireland is probably
a wonderful place, maybe worth a visit. But there is
no place, in the history of the world, better to live
than in the present United States. No place freer, no
place fairer, no place more prosperous. If my ancestors
had to endure starvation, privation, discrimination,
humiliation, etc., in order to give me the chance to
live here, that is a price I am overjoyed that they
paid. The benefits to me and my family justify their
sacrifice.
And,
if slaves had to endure the ignominy of shackles, the
horror of depersonalization, the humiliation which attended
such existence, to enable their descendants to live
in America, those descendants should thank the Lord
every night that such price was paid. Anyone who does
not believe that living in America is a magnificent
privilege is, of course, free to leave. In many places
throughout the world, that simple statementfree
to leavestill does not obtain.
By
modern standards, virtually all immigrants were horribly
mistreated; the mistreatment differed only in degree.
To use another example, many eastern European immigrants
went into the garment trade in New York. Hundreds of
young women died in just one disaster: the Triangle
Shirt Waist Company fire. Is there even the slightest
doubt that anyone complaining about this exploitation,
or even of the death of one of their ancestors, would
be properly laughed out of a modern court if they filed
suit?
Neither
litigation nor legislation can right historic wrongs.
All it serves to do is to perpetuate historic, and in
this case, racial grudges. Not a single American need
feel guilty about slavery; our ancestors did all the
penance history requires. And not a single American
possesses the slightest right to be angry; whatever
the wrongs committed, the perpetrators are long dead,
as are their victims. The idea of collective, or blood,
guilt, is wholly foreign to our system of government.
Any right to compensation died with those who earned
it.
These
efforts are so patently silly as to call into question
the true motivation of those fomenting them. It seems
that they are motivated more by a desire to nurse racial
anger and separatism than to do justice (justice is,
after all, a personal concept, applicable only to individuals,
not to groups). Neither the Courts nor the Legislature
have any business entertaining such nonsense.
Anger
at slavery is no more justifiable than anger at the
Potato Famine, and nothing can be done for the victims
of either, on this earthly plane. Historic injuries
are just that: history. They have no place in a modern
courtroom.
May
2, 2002
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